The image displays a massive and violent raid of the DINOES, Especial Operations Division (División de Operaciones Especiales in Spanish) ordered by the Peruvian government against the Indigenous peoples of the Amazon region in northern Peru on June 5th, 2009.
Since Colonization, indigenous people have been one of the targeted groups for human rights violations. Indigenous people in Peru are not an exception. Some indigenous groups have integrated a small part of their life style into the modern world most of us live in. However, there are other groups such as the Awajum and Wambis who decided to remain isolated in the depth of the Amazonian rain forest. The land they live in is all they know. They obtain their remedies, food, and livestock from there. Unfortunately, the area where they are is also very valuable for big oil and gas corporations that want to invest and "help" Peru in its development. Thus, when they felt threatened by knowing that President Alan Garcia was willing to take away their lands, they decided to protest and fight for their rights.
The Awajum and Wambis indigenous peoples were conducting a peaceful blockage on the road called the “Curve of the Devil” against a series of decrees that Peruvian President Alan García issued in October of 2007. These decrees state that those who live in “‘voluntary isolation’ (that is, uncontacted or extremely isolated tribes) can be exploited for their natural resources” (Kim MacQuerrie). These decrees or “the law of the jungle” as it is known collectively was enacted in order to attract foreign investment, particularly from the United States, after passage of the Peruvian/North American Free trade agreement of 2006. Additionally, this appears to coincide with the President’s own racist beliefs (publicly quoted referring to indigenous peoples as “not first-class citizens” and “pseudo-indigenous”).
In the same year of the U.S.-Peru North American Free Trade Agreement, “Law [number 28736] for the Protection of Uncontacted Tribes and those in Initial Contact” or “paper reserves” were set up in order to protect the indigenous peoples (Kim MacQuerrie). However, these are not worth the paper they’re printed on as all 5 areas have been repeatedly violated by private interests. This trend has continued since 2004 and now 72 percent of Peru’s Amazonian Rain Forest has been “blocked” or marked for energy and mineral exploration (Gregor McLennan).
Reporting in the area was difficult on the very first days as the government suppressed information under the guise that it incited revolts. In fact, the pervasive censorship of the media resulted in only one radio station (La Voz de Bagua) covering the event and that station was then the target of a law suit by the government. In a sense the government was being run like a corporation that makes its own laws.
During the massacre, police forbade the removal of those who were wounded. In addition, police officials were reluctant to provide information on the numbers of indigenous dead. Nonetheless, they were eager to express their indignation and sadness towards the dead of their comrades. Unsurprisingly, government representatives such as Prime Minister Yehude Simon and Interior Minister Mercedes Cabanillas made a point to assist funerals of dead officers and reinforce the idea that the protesters were “manipulated savages” and “cowardly killers” (Renzo Pipoli).
The response of Garcia’s administration to the needs of the indigenous peoples of northern Peru was deliberately ignored. Instead, Alan Garcia violated their rights to keep their lands and natural resources by injuring and killing them. The number of total dead recognized by the government is 33 from which 23 are officials and 11 are indigenous peoples (Amnesty International, 259). However, inhabitants and indigenous peoples of the cities close to the Devil’s curve disagree on these numbers. Moreover, Alan Garcia ordered the arrest of Alberto Pizango Chota, the leader of AIDESEP (Asociación Interétnica de Desarrollo de la Selva Peruana or Interethnic Association for the Development of the Peruvian Rain forest), for “inciting” rebellion and violence. As a result, Pizango went into exile to Nicaragua. A year after the massacre, the Peruvian government remains reluctant to come to any agreements or grant any of the rights that correspond to the Awajum and Wambis indigenous peoples of the Amazon Region.
Things that are important to grasp from this event is that first, Garcia's government is not only violating Land and human rights of indigenous peoples, but he and his administration are feeding the idea of racism (which is deeply ingrained in the country). Second, Freedom of speech disappears as a human right when it is sanctioned for vocalizing governmental abuses. Last, by using force and manipulation, Alan Garcia shows his lack of communication and democracy skills that only lead to violence. The following videos portray this.
Films related to the Devil's Massacre
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X0shiOMiKVM&feature=related
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iFzW6O7sFWI&feature=related
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XGS-GspCmfw&feature=fvw
Work Cited
Amnesty International Report 2010, The State of the World's Human Rights. Rep. no. 2010. Pg. 259. Web. 30 June 2010.
McLennan, Gregor. "Bagua Anniversary: One Year After Violent Clashes in Peru, Situation for Indigenous Rights Little Improved." Common Dreams | News & Views. 10 June 2010. Web. 03 July 2010.
Photo Courtesy Jaén, independent journalist/Amazon Watch
Pipoli, Renzo. "Garcia Denies Massacre and Keeps Laws; Forces Native Chief out." Indian Country Today. 12 June 2009. Web. 3 July 2010.
Rénique, Gerardo. "Indigenous People Fight Against Peru’s “Law of the Jungle”." Web log post. Kim MacQuarrie’s Peru & South America Blog. June 2009. Web. 3 July 2010.
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